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Publications Pages Publications Pages. Recently viewed 0 Save Search. Terrorism, Civil War, and Insurgency. Jessica A. Stanton Jessica A. The Oxford Handbook of Terrorism.
Read More. The invasion led to a spiral of worsening violence on both sides. Human rights groups accused Ethiopian forces of war crimes while Al-Shabaab developed into a full insurgency in the south of the country and declared its allegiance to Al-Qaeda. Calling for a Sharia Law state, it began launching suicide attacks in , a new element in the conflict.
Despite US air strikes aimed at its leadership, Al-Shabaab retains influence over significant parts of Somalia, enforcing a brutal form of sharia law, funding activities through taxation of the population it controls, smuggling, and other means. It continues to take responsibility for major terror attacks, such as a bomb on a flight departing Mogadishu in February , a massive truck bomb in Mogadishu in October , and on the US base at Baledogle in September Piracy in the Western Indian Ocean and Gulf of Aden has almost disappeared since its peak between and Again, local factors are key to understanding the history.
Somalia was and continues to be one of the poorest nations in the world and piracy created considerable employment — for hijack crews and local militias guarding hijacked ships, and for local cooks, producers, and traders looking after hostages. In , the UN estimated 40 per cent of the proceeds of piracy directly funded local employment. In Somali piracy collapsed, due to better management practices by vessel owners and crews, armed private security on ships, and other factors.
Terrorism connections — to Al-Shabaab or others — are difficult to verify but it seems more likely groups such as Al-Shabaab taxed or received bribes from pirate proceeds rather than organize the attacks themselves. By the concentration of piracy attacks had shifted from the Horn of Africa to the West African coast, with the Gulf of Guinea accounting for more than 95 per cent of global crew kidnappings. To bring stability to countries affected by terrorism, external actors — both national and multilateral — must switch their primary focus from the military defeat of insurgent groups to tackling poor governance and helping development.
Solutions must be as much political as they are military. Western-trained military forces were behind successive coups in Mali and directly created the power vacuum in parts of the country where jihadist forces took control.
Our flagship newsletter provides a weekly round-up of content, from expert analysis and research to video and audio. It is vital the international community hears the voices of people affected by terrorism, violence, and insurgency. Technology provides real opportunities to link those affected directly to policymakers, charities, government, and society more widely, and to create solutions which are as much African as they are international.
Much of our work in the Chatham House Africa programme is devoted to this area. Terrorism in Africa Organized violence targeting civilians is a serious problem in some African states but the word terrorism is rarely a useful description for such fluid, complex, and long-term conflicts. Terrorism in Africa This article explains the history of terrorism in Africa, its causes, and future efforts to bring peace and stability. Counter-terrorism consists of actions or strategies aimed at preventing terrorism from escalating, controlling the damage from terrorist attacks that do occur, and ultimately seeking to eradicate terrorism in a given context.
Counter-terrorism can be classified according to four theoretical models: Defensive, Reconciliatory, Criminal-Justice, and War. Generally speaking, each model contains differences in threat perception, how to guard against that threat, how to frame terrorism in the law and constitution, and which agents effect counter-terrorism.
Insurgency is another difficult-to-define concept. Fundamentally, an insurgency is a civil war characterised by a power asymmetry between belligerent groups. Through ideological and social manipulation of the general population, the insurgent party ultimately seeks to transfer political power from the government to itself. The goal of COIN should then be to use the favourable minority to co-opt the neutral majority and in the process neutralise the threat posed by the hostile minority.
There is a clear similarity between the goals of an insurgent and the goals of a terrorist. Both the insurgent and the terrorist employ violent action not as a direct means to compel but as a method of ideological communication.
Both the insurgent and the terrorist struggle to gain legitimacy for their ideas in the minds of a target audience, and to detract from the legitimacy of a non-compliant government.
Essentially, the difference between insurgency and terrorism is that the former is a situation of political grievance that escalates to violence while the latter is a violent strategy that those with political grievances may employ. Hence terrorism is one strategy available to those engaging in insurgency. As terrorism is best understood as a strategy of insurgency, counter-terrorism is thus best understood as a component of counter-insurgency.
Terrorism, as an ideological strategy of psychological warfare by political violence, falls under the aegis of insurgency, which is a situation of violent political activism directed against a government by a rebellious minority. Counter-terrorism falls within four models: defensive, reconciliatory, criminal-justice, and war.
Those models in turn fit into the broader categories of COIN identified by David Galula in his seminal book on the subject. The difference between counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency is simple: counter-terrorism focuses more narrowly on combating the tactics and strategy of terrorism and those who employ it, while counter-insurgency is a broader category of responses to political violence carried out by minority groups, both terroristic and otherwise.
The latter subsumes the former.
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